Samuel S. Boyd
Samuel Stillman Boyd of Natchez, Mississippi; engraved by J. C. Buttre from a daguerreotype, and published in History of Bowdoin College (1882)
Born(1807-05-27)May 27, 1807
Portland, Cumberland Co., District of Maine, Massachusetts, U.S.
DiedMay 21, 1867(1867-05-21) (aged 59)
Near Natchez, Adams Co., Mississippi, U.S.
Other namesS. S. Boyd, Judge Boyd, the Old Man

Samuel Stillman Boyd (May 27, 1807  May 21, 1867), often called S. S. Boyd or Judge Boyd, was an esteemed attorney of early 19th-century Mississippi, as well as a judge (briefly), political party leader, cotton-agriculture investor, real estate speculator, large-scale enslaver, and pro-slavery activist. Boyd seems to have been politically influential in his community, initially as a Whig Party leader. Boyd's name was floated in both 1852 and 1860 as a candidate to fill an empty seat on the U.S. Supreme Court.

After making his name in the law, Boyd became business partners with Rice C. Ballard, a former slave trader. Ballard and Boyd jointly built what has been described as an "empire of plantations". Ballard's business papers, held at the University of North Carolina, are a valuable primary source on American slavery and the slave trade, and through him, researchers have some knowledge of Boyd's personal and professional actions. As such, Boyd is best known in the 21st century for letters that describe his abuse of enslaved African-American women. He likely fathered one or more children by women whom he legally enslaved.

Biography

Early life and education

Boyd was born in Portland, in what was then Massachusetts' District of Maine, as the fourth-born child of future Maine State Treasurer Joseph Coffin Boyd and Isabella Southgate.[1][2] Through his paternal grandmother he was second cousins with the abolitionist Joshua Coffin. His mother Isabella Southgate was educated at Leicester Academy in the 1790s and was remembered decades later for both her beauty and her "extraordinary mind".[3] Through her, Boyd was a cousin to Eliza Southgate Bowne and a grandnephew of Founding Father Rufus King. Boyd graduated valedictorian of his Bowdoin College class of 1826.[4][5] He gave an address upon graduation on the topic of The Nature of Revolutions, and Their Influence on the Condition of Man.[5] He was two years behind future U.S. President Franklin Pierce at Bowdoin,[6] and was also a classmate of future U.S. Representative S. S. Prentiss. Both Boyd and Prentiss settled in Mississippi and occasionally faced each other in court.[7]

Boyd began practicing law in 1828 in Wilkinson County, and in 1836 moved to Natchez, Mississippi, in Adams County, where he settled and remained for the rest of his life.[8] In his Recollections of Mississippi and Mississippians (1889), former U.S. Representative Reuben Davis called Boyd one of the "great men of Natchez".[9] In 1836 the Rodney, Mississippi Telegraph newspaper reported that Boyd was a candidate for criminal court judge for a five-county area.[10] Once settled in Natchez, he opened a law firm in partnership with Alexander Montgomery. One history described Montgomery & Boyd as "a firm of high rank. S. S. Boyd was ... highly educated, and retained through life the habit of a student. He was a logical and demonstrative speaker, and deeply read in the learning of his profession. He never coveted office or sought popularity, yet no man commanded more confidence and respect throughout the State".[11] According to Dunbar Rowland's Encyclopedia of Mississippi History (1907), "His firm defended the will of Isaac Ross in the famous suit brought by the heirs in 1834, and in 1837, as special judge, he delivered the opinion of the High court in the famous case of Vick vs. Vicksburg, reversed, however, by the United States Supreme Court".[12] He is also credited in some sources as having been a judge of the Mississippi High Court of Errors and Appeals (since 1869 known as the Mississippi State Supreme Court) in the year 1837.[13] It is possible he was just a judge in this one case, or for some other brief period of time, in which case "Judge Boyd" may be used in an honorific sense, similar to how his business partner of later years, Ballard, was often addressed "as Colonel Ballard, but it is not clear how he got this rank".[14] In 1839 Boyd was a Whig Party candidate for the Mississippi State Senate.[15]

Photograph of Arlington's entrance and porch, taken 1934 during the New Deal's Historical American Building Survey; Arlington still stands but is now a derelict ruin[16]

In 1838, Boyd was married to Catherine Charlotte Wilkins, daughter of James Wilkins.[17] James Wilkins had been a member of the Mississippi Territorial Legislature and was an important early banker in Mississippi.[18] It was through Catherine's inheritance that Boyd came into possession of a grand home just outside Natchez called Arlington. Over time, Boyd used his fortune to build a "fine old library" and decorate the home with art and furnishings from Italy.[19][20] Arlington was part of a ring of "suburban" mansions surrounding Natchez that were only nominally plantations in an agricultural sense. [21] These estates primarily served as demonstrations of wealth through conspicuous consumption while cash crops like cotton and sugar were produced on more remote labor-camp plantations where the fertility of the soil had not yet been eroded away.[21]

In 1843, Boyd's younger sister Augusta Murray Boyd married future Confederate general Lloyd Tilghman.[22] On January 17, 1844, a free person of color named William Johnson recorded in his journal "Baylor Winn Brot up the three Servants belonging to Judge Boyd, He told me that he Caught them Down in the Woods Close to the mouth of St. Catherine. He brot them up this morning, Yound Gim Kenney has made his Escape. He was the Cause of their runing away. They were put in Jail."[23]

Ballard and business

Detail of Norman's chart of the lower Mississippi River (1858) showing a cotton plantation owned by S. S. Boyd near Glasscock Island on the riverfront in Concordia Parish, Louisiana

In 1839, Boyd was one of the directors of Planters Bank of Natchez.[24] Somewhere around 1840, Boyd got to know Rice C. Ballard, who had previously been a major slave trader with the Franklin & Armfield company. Together Boyd and Ballard created a network of slave-labor camps devoted to the production of cotton for the lucrative overseas market.[25] The exact structure of who owned what is not fully understood but researchers believe that together they invested in between 10 and 16 plantations. According to historian Tomoko Yagyu, "These plantations were usually jointly owned by Ballard and Boyd, but Boyd was the sole owner for some of them, and Ballard owned some with a different partner". Ballard was based in Kentucky, so Boyd and his brother James Boyd were closely involved in the management and operation of the dozen or so Cotton Kingdom work camps: Bushy Bayou, Elcho, Elk, Golden Plains, Karnac, Laurell Hill, Lepine, Magnolia, Outpost plantation (aka Pecan Grove), Providence, Quattlebum, Wagram, and Woodland plantations, as well as, possibly, plantations named Forest Hill, Myrtle Grove, and Pine Mount.[25]

The places owned by Ballard and Boyd had no stately homes or ornamental gardens. They were not showcases for wealthy white families. The only steady white presences on them at all were managers and overseers, few of whom stayed on for more than a few years. The Ballard and Boyd partnership owned places whose sole purpose was to make Black people live and labor under the threat of violence to produce cotton until they were considered useless, deemed dispensable, or died.

Joshua D. Rothman, The Ledger and the Chain: How Domestic Slave Traders Shaped America (2021)[26]
Mississippi River north of Natchez circa 1862 showing boat landings called Providence and Pecan Grove, which match two of the names of Boyd–Ballard plantation holdings

All told, Boyd and Ballard together held approximately a thousand people in bondage in Arkansas, Louisiana, and Mississippi.[27] Attempted escapes by individuals or groups are mentioned in letters of 1844, 1846, 1849, and 1852.[28] In 1852 a 38-year-old man named Prince was detained in Wilkinson County, Mississippi.[29] He told the authorities there that he was the legal property of "S. S. Boyd, near Natchez".[29]

In 1857 Boyd bought over 2,000 acres of "wild land" in Concordia Parish, Louisiana, for about US$16,000 (equivalent to $502,514 in 2022).[30] Per Yagyu, "Boyd was an acute land speculator, always on alert, and sought for best lands in which to invest. He would often send Ballard newspaper clippings of a plantation sale in the area and ask his opinion of it. Although Boyd was interested in any profitable land, he sought eagerly in particular affordable sugar plantations".[31]

Political activism

As a landed literate native-born adult white male, Boyd was legally permitted to participate in the American democratic processes of his time. His allegiances somewhat track the political history that preceded the American Civil War and the South's decline into disunionism.

1848 presidential election: Dems in disarray

At an 1848 Whig Party political meeting, Boyd argued, per the Natchez Mississippi Free Trader, that "Slavery ... was neither an institution nor strictly speaking property. It was a domestic relation; and seemed to infer, as a deduction, from this proposition that no man was safe who did not assume this to be the definition of the term. Of course General Cass was unsafe, as he was not a slave-holder".[32] After the election, Boyd went 1848-viral when his report of a conversational chat with fellow Mississippi planter Zachary Taylor was picked up nationwide. The gist of the report was that Boyd firmly believed Taylor would protect slavery in the existing slave states, recounting that Taylor believed the correct response to any attempts by free states to abolish slavery nationwide would be "drawing the sword and throwing away the scabbard".[33] The news item said Boyd said Taylor "will go with the free States on the tariff and internal improvement questions, and with the slave States on the free soil question".[33] There was then intense quibbling in the press about how this applied, if at all, to the expansion of slavery in newly colonized and settled territories to the west.[33][34] (In one news analysis, Boyd was described as "radical on the slavery question", the precise meaning of which is unclear, although it was probably not meant to suggest that he was a radical abolitionist.)[34]

Antebellum politics

In 1851, Montgomery and Boyd dissolved their law partnership although Boyd would "continue in the practice of his profession as before".[35] Also that year Boyd was one of several financial supporters of Narciso López's freelance military invasion of Cuba, where American pro-slavery activists quite literally hoped to plant a flag for the expansion of their peculiar institution.[36] According to a history of Boyd's mother's family that was published in 1907, Millard Fillmore considered Boyd for an appointment to the U.S. Supreme Court in 1852 (upon the death of Associate Justice John McKinley).[37] Boyd remained active in the Whig Party at the regional level.[38][39][40] In 1854 Boyd was selected to help revise the Mississippi criminal code but resigned and was replaced before making a contribution.[41][42]

Boyd defended the Compromise of 1850 and argued that there was no constitutionally protected right to secession

Boyd's most substantial political action of the decade may have been a learned and wide-ranging speech in which he defended the Compromise of 1850 as constitutionally correct and strategically sound for supporters of slavery. He further argued that slavery in the United States was Britain's fault but also that abolitionism was part of a British conspiracy against the U.S.[43] Most importantly, he opposed secession (which increasinglyor perhaps continuously since the nullification crisiswas being advocated by the South Carolinian political contingent led by "Mr. Rhett"). Boyd argued persuasively that there was no constitutionally protected right of people or states to secede (and very intentionally so on the part of the founders). Boyd also commended Andrew Jackson for his role in disrupting past attempts at disunion.[44][45]

Marriage, legitimacy, bond-service and every species of contract, come under the same principle. A citizen of America may go to the territories acquired from Mexico, with his wife and children, his servants, whether bound for a term of years by contract, or held for life to service and labor under the laws of a State, without fear that he will be divorced, his offspring bastardized, and his relation of master destroyed by any fancied rule of national law ... we considered we had a full right above as well as below 36° 30', and the concession was, in being willing to divide the property and take half in absolute ownership, instead of an undivided interest in the whole, liable to be interfered with by anti-slavery restrictions.

Samuel S. Boyd, October 10, 1851, defending the Compromise of 1850 and other American free state–slave state political compromises

American Civil War

Map of Natchez published on the cover of the New York Times in May 1862

In 1860, Ballard died, and Boyd was made administrator of his estate.[46] Also that year, there was a contingent urging U.S. president James Buchanan to appoint Boyd to the seat on the United States Supreme Court that had been made vacant by the death of Associate Justice Peter V. Daniel.[47][48]

In December 1860, various Mississippi counties were nominating delegates at Southern Rights Conventions to attend a larger state convention that ultimately passed the Mississippi Secession Ordinance of January 1861.[49] S. S. Boyd was elected from Adams County.[49] Other proto-Confederate representatives elected around the same time included L. Q. C. Lamar of Lafayette County and A. P. Hill of Madison County.[49] However, Boyd did not ultimately participate in the Mississippi secession convention.[50]

In October 1862 "Boyd, S. S." appears on the muster roll of a Confederate militia, as a member of Company B, "District Composing all North Side of Main Street" in Natchez.[51] Natchez was occupied by the U.S. Army following Ulysses S. Grant's capture of Vicksburg on July 4, 1863.[52] In 1864, Boyd was apparently a featured player in a cycle of hostage-and-ransom-taking between enemies; after the Confederates forcibly relocated a family of eight Southern Unionist civilians, the U.S. Army charged the house of Boyd US$5,000 (equivalent to $93,553 in 2022) to keep the patriarch out of a place called Brookhaven.[53]

"RETALIATION—A few days since, a squad of Rebels came to our lines under Flag of Truce having in custody Mr. J. Lengsfield with his wife and six children, who had been, as it appears after the usual routine of imprisonment and confiscation of goods, banished "not to return to the Confederate States during the war."

The family were properly cared for, and Gen. Brayman, in pursuance of instructions concerning such cases, selected Judge S. S. Boyd and family to be sent to Brookhaven in return. After all preparations were made for the departure, the friends of Judge Boyd proposed to pay five thousand dollars for the benefit and support of refugees and citizens who, like Mr. Lengsfield, may be plundered and banished from rebel neighborhoods for being loyal to the United States flag and Government. Gen. Brayman made the order accordingly.

The result is Judge Boyd remains at home, and the new Mayor begins his poor fund, for the winter, with five thousand dollars in the city treasury.[54]

——The Daily True Delta, October 30, 1864

This story also appears in a footnote in Matilda Gresham's The Life of Walter Q. Gresham, with a comment that the news clipping was provided by Allen T. Bowie, and with a secondary note that, "The claim of Judge Boyd's relatives and friends is that General Brayman appropriated the $5,000 to his own use. [Boyd's son-in-law][1] James Surget states that he paid the money in currency to General Brayman, and that it never went in the poor fund."[55] Nonetheless, Boyd was readmitted to the Union in 1865; according to one history of Natchez, "'Planters who had not yet taken the amnesty oath hastened to do so now to regain control of their property. Past allegiances were quickly forgotten. 'Shields, Boyd, Metcalfs [sic] &c nearly all the other fireeaters have taken [the oath],' sniped the Unionist Frank Surget in June. 'In fact as is always the case the most rabid come forward first'".[56]

Death, estate, descendants

Boyd died at his home near Natchez in June 1867.[2] The local bar association passed a motion expressing their regret at his death.[57] His library at Arlington reportedly contained "8,000 books published in twelve languages".[58] An Aubusson carpet from the house was reportedly looted during the Reconstruction era.[19] When probate was filed in December 1867, Boyd's legally acknowledged family was scattered between New Orleans, France and England.[59] (Boyd's daughter Isabella, or Ysobel, married William Offley Forrester, a son of British wine merchant Joseph James Forrester, and lived out her days in the UK.)[1] In 1907 a history reported that "Arlington, on the edge of the town, and approached by a winding avenue of water oaks, was the former home of Judge S. S. Boyd and famed for its paintings and fine old library; it is now owned by his daughter, Mrs. Wm. Benneville Rhodes."[20] Arlington remained in the hands of Boyd's family until around 1913.[19]

Among Boyd's surviving children was a man named James Boyd, born to one of the women whom Boyd had enslaved. In later life, James Boyd was a "plantation manager and a well-to-do entrepreneur."[60] According to descendants, as reported in Florence Ridlon's A Black Physician's Struggle for Civil Rights: Edward C. Mazique, M.D.:[61]

The old judge was so fond of James' mother that his wife forced him to send her away to a property he owned up near Vicksburg. Although not treated as an equal to his half-sisters, James was given a favored position in the home. The complicated accommodations made to fit these black/white relationships stagger the imagination. The Boyds all sat in the dining room for meals. The servants had to wait on James too, but he didn't sit at the main table. Instead, he was at another little table near it. James Boyd lived with the family, after the judge died, until he was twenty-two years old. His half-sister, Catherine Boyd Suzette [sic], was so fond of him that she eventually hired him to manage her husband's estate at Suzette Ashley, a job he held when he met and married Mary Mazique. James Boyd held himself so aloof from everyone that even his wife, Mary, called him Mr. Boyd."[61]

Letters

In the 21st century, Boyd has come to infamy through the preserved correspondence of his business partner, the Rice C. Ballard Papers held in the Wilson Special Collections Library at the University of North Carolina. In particular, letters regarding Boyd's involvement with two enslaved women, Maria, and Virginia Boyd, have been widely cited in the recent literature on American slavery. Boyd is not explicitly named in either but the preponderance of historical analysis indicates that Boyd is the subject.

J. M. Duffield to Ballard, 29 May 1848, folder 127 & J. M. Duffield to Ballard, 5 August 1848, folder 131

I desired, in the first place, to apprise you, that I had made arrangements to send the child northward, there to be brought up, and educated, and there forever to reside. I have made all my arrangements for her, and she will start on the 6th July. I shall be in Natchez, when she goes ....

The next was, to endeavor to do something for Maria. Her health seems to be sinking and she has been a sufferer of great agony mentally and bodily. You will recollect the cruelties which you described to me once in confidence that had been perpetrated, by a certain person in whose power Maria is [Judge Boyd], and I recollect the horror you expressed of it. All these cruelties have been inflicted upon the feeble frame of that girl—and are frequently inflicted—she must die under them. Long ago would I have freed her from them, if I had been able to do so ....

Will you not, Colonel, let me have her. She is sickly, suffering, and will die soon if she remains where she is. I buy her only to free her. Lashed as she is like an ox, until the blood gushes from her, I know, your kind, humane heart must revolt at the barbarities she is constantly enduring. I would do anything on earth to relieve her from her present position ....

Only listen to the dictates of your own kindly nature, and you will grant the request, which I make as a matter of favor to me, and goodness to her, and as another memorial of your generosity.

J. M. Duffield to Ballard, 29 May 1848

There are two letters that refer to a woman named Maria, "lashed as she is like an ox, until the blood gushes from her".[14] The letters, which date to 1848, were written to Ballard by John Martin Duffield, who was a local attorney who had served mayor of Natchez in 1843,[62] and who was editor of the Natchez Courier newspaper.[63] Duffield had likely had a past sexual relationship with Maria and was the father of Maria's child.[64] He wrote to Ballard asking to buy Maria in order to save her from further abuse by Boyd. Per historian Yagyu, Duffield was "not able to pay cash for her initially, and he had to wait for a pending attorney fee in order to purchase her". Yagyu notes that "no matter how soon" Maria was released from Boyd's custody, she would have already been brutalized, with resulting long-term consequences.[65] Edward E. Baptist surmises that Boyd had Maria "repeatedly flogged until she was maimed and sterileall, it seems, for refusing his advances".[66]

According to historian Sharony Green:

Duffield serves as further proof that white men of this generation acted inconsistently and deliberately in their efforts to enhance and protect certain enslaved individuals, specifically, women and children in whom they had earlier had sex and along the way invested some measure of emotion. Such investments were made while these men safeguarded their patriarchal and racial dominance. It is certain that Duffield had not planned to protect all enslaved people from abuse or see to it that all enslaved children be freed and educated. But he was concerned about two in particular.[64]

Similarly, although Boyd seems to have been the perpetrator of the violence in the case of Maria, in another case he fired an overseer he deemed a "monster of cruelty," who was "going on at such a rate that Steele had to protect the negroes".[67]

Virginia Boyd to Ballard, 6 May 1853, folder 191

Virginia Boyd to Rice C. Ballard, 6 May 1853, folder 191 in the Rice C. Ballard Papers 4850, Southern Historical Collection, Wilson Library, University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill

Also among the letters is a remarkable missive from one Virginia Boyd. Per the collection finding aid at the University of North Carolina, "On 6 May 1853, Virginia, who was pregnant, wrote Ballard from a trafficker's yard in Texas begging for his intervention and help to prevent her sale (folder 191). This letter is particularly poignant because of Virginia's condemnation of a man (apparently not Ballard; perhaps Boyd) who could sell his own children as well as their mother. A letter of 8 August 1853 from C. M. Rutherford, reports that Virginia Boyd and one of her children had been sold but that her oldest child had not (folder 196).[68]

I am at present in the city of Houston in a Negro traders yard, for sale, by your orders. I was present at the Post Office when Doctor Ewing took your letter out through mistake and red it a loud, not knowing I was the person the letter alluded to. I hope that if I have ever done or said any thing that has offended you that you will for give me, for I have suffered enough Cince in mind to repay all that I have ever done, to anyone, you wrote for them to sell me in thrity days, do you think after all that has transpired between me & the old man, (I don't call names) that its treating me well to send me off among strangers in my situation to be sold without even my having an opportunity of choosing for my self; its hard indeed and what is still harder for the father of my children to sell his own offspring Yes his own flesh & blood. My God is it possible that any free born American would brand his character with such a stigma as that, but I hope before this he will relent & see his error for I still beleave that he is possest of more honer than that. I no too that you have influence and can assist me in some measure from out of this dilemma and if you will God will be sure to reward you, you have a family of children & no how to sympathize with others in distress ....

Is it possible that such a change could ever come over the spirit of any living man as to sell his child that is his image. I dont wish to return to harras or protest his peace of mind & shall never try [to] get back if I am dealt with fairly ....

I have written to the Old Man in such a way that the letter cant fail to fall in his hands and none others I use every precaution to prevent others from knowing or suspecting any thing I have my letters written & folded put into envelope & get it directed by those that dont know the Contents of it for I shall not seek ever to let any thing be exposed, unless I am forced from bad treatment &c

Virginia Boyd to Ballard, 6 May 1853

Virginia Boyd was probably held near Natchez until the summer 1852, when due to some unknown consequence of her having been raped by Boyd, Ballard determined to move her to the Karnac plantation near Port Gibson. Boyd approved, he wrote Ballard that he did not wish "to be bothered by her, & if she will not behave, put her in the stocks until you send her off". Virginia, pregnant, was then sent to New Orleans and then even further, to Houston. The slave trader Ballard who trusted to handle the sale eventually reported by letter that Virginia and her newborn child has been sold, as Ballard had ordered. Virginia's teenage daughter was also to be sold, somewhere in Mississippi. Historian Baptist writes, "Boyd had created a problem. Ballard had solved it. If Virginia sent any more letters, they did not survive .... Most likely, Virginia wilted and died in a Texas field."[69]

Green comments that Virginia Boyd's letter "uncovers sexual relations that routinely happened, even if they were rarely discussed, between enslaved women and white men in the plantation South".[70] Another scholar deems Virginia Boyd's letter "among the most revealing pieces of extant enslaved correspondence".[71] It is notable for its disclosures, its rhetorical and emotional argumentation, and as correspondence from an enslaved person who was formerly a trusted "key slave" now writing "at the point of forced migration via sale, hire, or slaveholder relocation ... who had either fallen from favor and were endeavoring to save themselves from the market, or else were writing on behalf of others whose sale or hire they sought to prevent, or at least to shape in some way".[72]

Sharony Green elsewhere commended Ballard for his contribution to the historiography of female slavery in the United States:[73]

Though he enslaved hundreds, Ballard was also open to assisting others in ways we may never fully understand. The complexity of his personality is illustrated in how a woman managed a plantation in which he had invested money. Appointing women to management positions ran against the grain of nineteenth-century American gender roles .... Why Ballard kept Avenia's five letters and those from other black women we may never know. But we can be certain that, in keeping them, he has accommodated the modern reader and, in the end, himself. For though the work he engaged in was among the most reprehensible in pre–Civil War America and although his transparency in preserving such a detailed record of his life can hardly absolve him of that moral taint, historians owe him a debt of gratitude.[73]

See also

References

Citations

  1. 1 2 3 Browning (1891), pp. 141–144.
  2. 1 2 "Hon. Samuel Stillman Boyd". The Evansville Daily Journal. June 10, 1867. p. 6. Retrieved 2023-10-03.
  3. Chapman (1907), pp. 11–12.
  4. "Bowdoin class of 1826". Portland Press Herald. August 7, 1867. p. 2. Retrieved 2023-10-03.
  5. 1 2 "Order of Exercises". Eastern Argus. September 12, 1826. p. 2. Retrieved 2023-10-03.
  6. "One Hundred and Eleven Witnesses Against Three Abolitionists". Mississippi Free Trader. August 18, 1852. p. 2. Retrieved 2023-10-04.
  7. "Northern Men in the South". The Vicksburg Herald. November 21, 1869. p. 1. Retrieved 2023-10-04.
  8. "In Memoriam". The Natchez Weekly Democrat. October 19, 1867. p. 2. Retrieved 2023-10-03.
  9. Davis (1889), pp. 80–81.
  10. "Saml. S. Boyd of Woodville, candidate for judge of Criminal Court". The Rodney Telegraph. March 25, 1836. p. 2. Retrieved 2023-10-03.
  11. Claiborne (1880), p. 390.
  12. Rowland (1907a), p. 285.
  13. Quill (June 12, 1902). "The Bowdoin College Centenary". The Port Gibson Reveille. p. 1. Retrieved 2023-10-04.
  14. 1 2 "Rice C. Ballard Papers, 1822-1888". finding-aids.lib.unc.edu. Retrieved 2023-10-05.
  15. "November Elections". The Natchez Daily Courier. September 16, 1839. p. 2. Retrieved 2023-10-04.
  16. Rosell, Thomas (October 22, 2018). "News from Natchez". Preservation in Mississippi. Retrieved 2023-10-06.
  17. "Married, at Arlington". The Natchez Weekly Courier. November 23, 1838. p. 4. Retrieved 2023-10-03.
  18. Rowland (1907b), pp. 962–963.
  19. 1 2 3 "Priceless antiques remain same throughout years". Chattanooga Daily Times. June 10, 1934. p. 32. Retrieved 2023-10-03.
  20. 1 2 Rowland (1907b), p. 298.
  21. 1 2 Davis (1993), pp. 20, 44–45.
  22. Browning (1891), p. 144.
  23. Davis (1993), p. 116.
  24. "Planters Bank, Natchez". The Mississippi Free Trader. June 10, 1839. p. 1. Retrieved 2023-10-04.
  25. 1 2 Yagyu (2006), pp. 296–325.
  26. Rothman (2021), p. 328.
  27. Schiller (2016), p. 250.
  28. Yagyu (2006), p. 309.
  29. 1 2 "Register of Runaways, Corrected Weekly". The Concordia Intelligencer. September 18, 1852. p. 2. Retrieved 2023-10-04.
  30. "Great Sale of Property in Concordia Parish". The Times-Picayune. January 21, 1857. p. 3. Retrieved 2023-10-04.
  31. Yagyu (2006), pp. 300–301.
  32. "After dinner several tunes were played by the band when Judge Boyd was called for ..." The Mississippi Free Trader. November 4, 1848. p. 2. Retrieved 2023-10-05.
  33. 1 2 3 "Gen. Taylor and the Slavery Question". The Weekly Memphis Eagle. December 28, 1848. p. 1. Retrieved 2023-10-05.
  34. 1 2 "The Natchez Letter Writer". Vicksburg Daily Whig. December 19, 1848. p. 2. Retrieved 2023-10-04.
  35. "Dissolution of partnership". Natchez Daily Courier. July 8, 1851. p. 1. Retrieved 2023-10-04.
  36. Baptist (2014), p. 358.
  37. Chapman (1907), p. 28.
  38. "Whig Convention". Vicksburg Whig. May 12, 1852. p. 1. Retrieved 2023-10-03.
  39. "The Canvass Fairly Opened". Natchez Daily Courier. August 17, 1852. p. 3. Retrieved 2023-10-03.
  40. "A Convenient Family". Mississippi Free Trader. August 11, 1852. p. 1. Retrieved 2023-10-04.
  41. Rowland (1907a), p. 464.
  42. "Revise laws". The New Orleans Crescent. April 20, 1854. p. 2. Retrieved 2023-10-04.
  43. Goleman (2010), pp. 38–39.
  44. "The Union Meeting of Mississippi [part 1 of 2]". The Daily Republic. October 25, 1851. p. 2. Retrieved 2023-10-04. & "Union convention [part 2 of 2]". The Daily Republic. October 25, 1851. p. 3. Retrieved 2023-10-04.
  45. Boyd, Samuel S. (1851). Speech of Hon. Samuel S. Boyd, delivered at the great union festival, held at Jackson, Mississippi, on the 10th day of October, 1851. Natchez Miss.: Printed at the office of the Natchez courier.
  46. "NOTICE". Vicksburg Whig. December 26, 1860. p. 2. Retrieved 2023-10-03.
  47. "Judge Samuel S. Boyd, of Natchez, Miss". Vicksburg Whig. July 25, 1860. p. 3. Retrieved 2023-10-03.
  48. Frank (1941), p. 178.
  49. 1 2 3 "Southern Rights Convention". Semi-Weekly Mississippian. December 11, 1860. p. 2. Retrieved 2023-10-04.
  50. Smith (2014).
  51. "Roll of Company B". Natchez Daily Courier. September 10, 1862. p. 2. Retrieved 2023-10-04.
  52. NPS Staff. "People - Natchez National Historical Park". U.S. National Park Service. Retrieved 2023-10-05.
  53. "Retaliation". The Daily True Delta. October 30, 1864. p. 2. Retrieved 2023-10-05.
  54. "Retaliation". The Daily True Delta. October 30, 1864. p. 2. Retrieved 2023-10-05.
  55. Gresham (1919), p. 248.
  56. Wayne (1983), p. 59.
  57. "Bereavement". The Weekly Democrat. October 21, 1867. p. 3. Retrieved 2023-10-04.
  58. Smith (2004), p. 71.
  59. "Probate notice filed by clerk Eustis". The Weekly Democrat. December 30, 1867. p. 4. Retrieved 2023-10-03.
  60. Ridlon (2005), p. 15.
  61. 1 2 Ridlon (2005), pp. 33–34.
  62. Shields, G. B. (1905). Code of ordinances of the city of Natchez with contracts, franchises, etc. Natchez, Miss.: Natchez Printing & Stationery Co. p. 322 via University of Illinois Urbana-Champaign & Internet Archive.
  63. Prentiss (1856), p. 225.
  64. 1 2 Green (2015), p. 27.
  65. Yagyu (2006), p. 343.
  66. Baptist (2005), pp. 182–183.
  67. Yagyu (2006), pp. 303–304.
  68. "Rice C. Ballard Papers, 1822-1888". finding-aids.lib.unc.edu. Retrieved 2023-12-15.
  69. Baptist (2014), pp. 362–363.
  70. Green (2015), pp. 25–26.
  71. Schiller (2016), p. 253.
  72. Schiller (2016), p. 248.
  73. 1 2 Green (2011), pp. 34–35.

Bibliography

Books

Genealogies

Articles, chapters, reports

This article is issued from Wikipedia. The text is licensed under Creative Commons - Attribution - Sharealike. Additional terms may apply for the media files.