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The Covenant of the Islamic Resistance Movement (Arabic: ميثاق حركة المقاومة الإسلامية حماس), referred to as the Hamas Covenant or Hamas Charter, was issued by Hamas (the Islamic Resistance Movement) on 18 August 1988 and outlines the organization's founding identity, positions, and aims.[1] In 2017, Hamas unveiled a revised charter, without explicitly revoking the 1988 charter.[2][3]

The original Charter identified Hamas as the Muslim Brotherhood in Palestine and described its members to be god-fearing Muslims raising the banner of Jihad (armed struggle) in "the face of the oppressors." The charter defines the struggle to be against the Jews and calls for the eventual creation of an Islamic state in all of former Mandatory Palestine, and the obliteration or dissolution of Israel.[4][5][6] The charter has been criticized for it use of antisemitic language,[7][8] which some commentators have characterized as incitement to genocide.[9][10] Hamas's 2017 charter removed the antisemitic language and clarified Hamas's struggle was with Zionists, not Jews.[11][12][13][14][15]

Since choosing to run candidates for office in elections, Hamas has downplayed the role of its charter.[16] In direct contradiction of the Charter, in 2008 Hamas leader Ismail Haniyeh stated that Hamas would agree to accept a Palestinian state along the 1967 borders, and to offer a long-term truce with Israel.[17] In 2009 interviews with the BBC, British Prime Minister Tony Blair claimed that Hamas did not accept the existence of Israel and was continuing to pursue its objectives through terror and violence. Sir Jeremy Greenstock however argued that Hamas has not adopted its charter as part of its political program since it won the 2006 Palestinian legislative election.[18] In 2010, Hamas leader Khaled Meshaal stated that the Charter is "a piece of history and no longer relevant, but cannot be changed for internal reasons".[19] Meshaal also stated that Hamas was ending its association with the Muslim Brotherhood.[20]

Unlike the 1988 Charter, the 2017 charter accepted a Palestinian state within the borders that existed before 1967 and maintained Hamas's refusal to recognize the State of Israel, which it terms the "Zionist entity".[21] The 2017 charter refers to an Israeli state within the pre-1967 borders as a transitional state while also advocating for the "liberation of all of Palestine".[20][22]

The relevance of the 2017 charter has been questioned by many including the Office of Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu which in a statement in 2017 accused Hamas of trying to fool the world and also asked it to stop its terror activities for a true change.[23] Additionally leaders of Hamas, including Hamas co-founder Mahmoud al-Zahar, have said Hamas "will not change a single word in its covenant".[24]

Background

In 1987, twenty years after the Six-Day War, the First Intifada (1987–1993) began as a resistance of Israeli Occupation of Gaza and the West Bank.[25] A popular uprising, the First Intifada was led by multiple groups including Palestinian Islamic Jihad and the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO). After receiving official recognition as the de facto government, the PLO began to seek a negotiated solution with Israel in the form of a two-state solution. A two-state solution was deemed unacceptable to Hamas, the Palestinian wing of the Muslim Brotherhood,[26] and the charter was written to fill the ideological gap between the PLO and Muslim Brotherhood supporters.[27] According to Hamas's Deputy Foreign Minister Dr. Ahmed Yousef, the Charter "was ratified during the unique circumstances of the Uprising in 1988 as a necessary framework for dealing with a relentless occupation".[28] However, where the Muslim Brotherhood's ideology proposed a universal Islamist vision, Hamas's charter sought to narrow its focus on Palestinian nationalism and a strategy of armed struggle, or violent jihad.[27][29]

While the PLO was nationalistic, its ideology was considerably more secular in nature compared to Hamas. Like the Muslim Brotherhood, Hamas subscribed to a neo-Salafi jihadi theology that sought national liberation by violence as permitted by divine decree.[30][26] While its language was far more religious, its political goals were identical to those of the PLO's charter and called for an armed struggle to retrieve the entire land of Palestine as an Islamic waqf.[27]

The original charter's tone and portrayal of the Israeli–Palestinian conflict as a front in an eternal struggle between Muslims and Jews has been an obstacle for the organization's involvement in diplomatic forums involving Western nations.[2] The updated charter published in 2017 walked back many of these assertions while adding questions regarding the ability of Fatah and its leader Mahmoud Abbas to act as the sole legitimate representative for the Palestinians.[31] In addition, the 2017 charter removed many references to the Muslim Brotherhood as the ties had damaged the group's relationship with Egypt, as the government considers the group to be a terrorist organization.[32]

Was the charter relevant 1988-2017?

Hamas leaders have noted that the Charter should be viewed as "a historical document and part of an earlier stage in [Hamas's] evolution."[3] Ahmed Yousef, an adviser to Ismail Haniyeh (the senior political leader of Hamas), claimed that Hamas has changed its views over time and the stances of the organization today are not fully reflected in the 1988 charter.[28] In 2010, Hamas leader Khaled Meshaal stated that the Charter is "a piece of history and no longer relevant, but cannot be changed for internal reasons".[19]

When Khaled Meshaal was questioned about the antisemitic statements of the 1988 charter, he acknowledged that anti-Jewish language had been used in the charter, but that language did not accurate represent Hamas's position. He stated that "from the very start" Hamas is not fighting Israelis because they are Jewish but because they occupied Palestinian land.[33]


Likewise, in a 1988 interview Ahmed Yassin, the founder of Hamas, said:

"We don't hate Jews and fight Jews because they are Jewish. They are a people of faith and we are a people of faith, and we love all people of faith. If my brother, from my own mother and father and my own faith takes my homes and expels me from it, I will fight him. I will fight my cousin if he takes my home and expels me from it. So when a Jew takes my home and expels me from it, I will fight him. I don't fight other countries because I want to be at peace with them, I love all people and wish peace for them, even the Jews. The Jews lived with us all of our lives and we never assaulted them, and they held high positions in government and ministries. But if they take my home and make me a refugee like 4 million Palestinians in exile? Who has more right to this land? The Russian immigrant who left this land 2000 years ago or the one who left 40 years ago? We don't hate the Jews, we only ask for them to give us our rights."[34]

Dutch researcher Floor Janssen compared the 1988 charter (and other documents from that period) to Hamas's documents dated 1994-2005. Janssen found a significant shift in Hamas positions from 1988 to 1994-2005:

  • In contrast to 1988, Hamas no longer referred to the enemy as "Jews"[35]
  • Hamas began introducing its positions on a peaceful solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict (a likely consequence of the Oslo Accords)[36]
  • Hamas retained its goal of "liberating" Palestine in its entirety[37]

In 2009, Paul Scham and Osama Abu-Irshaid wrote:[38]

Indeed, judging from the organization’s lack of reference to the charter and from the statements since made by Hamas’s leaders, the charter does not appear to be a major influence on Hamas’s actions.

Even though the charter connected Hamas with the Muslim Brotherhood, Hamas did not have a pan-Islamist agenda and instead remain focused on Palestine.[39]

However many remain skeptical of Hamas's claims to have moved beyond the sentiments expressed in its 1988 Charter.[16] Mahmoud al-Zahar, co-founder of Hamas, said in 2006 that Hamas "will not change a single word in its covenant". In 2010, he rebuffed the idea that Hamas would recognize Israel within its 1967 borders and reaffirmed the 1988 Charter saying "Our ultimate plan is [to have] Palestine in its entirety. I say this loud and clear so that nobody will accuse me of employing political tactics. We will not recognize the Israeli enemy."[24]

Nathan Thrall, an analyst for the International Crisis Group, stated that the 1988 charter had been a source of embarrassment for leaders eager for reform. Thrall stated that leadership failed to revoke the 1988 charter due to deep-seated ambivalence toward reform.[40]

Revised 2017 Charter

In May 2017, Hamas issued a new document named A Document of General Principles and Policies (Arabic: وثيقة المبادئ والسياسات العامة لحركة حماس). While the Document of General Principles did not officially replace the 1988 charter, it is often described as the new or revised Hamas charter.[3] The new document advocated for a Palestinian state in the 1967 borders, describing this as a "national consensus"; however, it also continued to describe Israel as an "illegal entity" and retained the organization's commitment to armed struggle.[21] While the 1988 Hamas Charter was widely criticized for its antisemitism, the 2017 document stated that Hamas' fight was not with Jews because of their religion, but with the Zionist project that expelled Palestinians from their homes..[21]

Views on the 2017 document varied. While some welcomed it as a sign of increased political maturity, an attempt to bridge the gap between moderates and hardliners within Hamas, and a potential step on the way to peace, many others, including Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, dismissed it as a merely cosmetic effort designed to make Hamas sound more palatable while changing nothing about Hamas' underlying aims and methods.[41][42][40]

In the aftermath of the 2023 Hamas-led attack on Israel, former Ambassador and Wilson Center head Mark Andrew Green described the 2017 revision as having "dressed up [Hamas's] terrorist objectives in more ambiguous, less violent terms" while the 2023 attack showed their objective remained, as in the 1988 charter, "the destruction of the State of Israel and the murder of Jewish people."[43]

Summary of the 1988 charter

  • Article 1 describes Hamas as an Islamic Resistance Movement with an ideological programme of Islam.[1]
  • Article 2 of Hamas' Charter defines Hamas as a "universal movement" and "one of the branches of the Muslim Brotherhood in Palestine".[1][27][44][45]
  • Article 3 the Movement consists of "Muslims who have given their allegiance to Allah".[1]
  • Article 4 the Movement "welcomes every Muslim who embraces its faith, ideology, follows its programme, keeps its secrets, and wants to belong to its ranks and carry out the duty," [1]
  • Article 5 Demonstrates its Salafist roots and connections to the Muslim brotherhood, declaring Islam as its official religion and the Koran as its constitution.[1]
  • Article 6 Hamas is uniquely Palestinian,[1] and "strives to raise the banner of Allah over every inch of Palestine, for under the wing of Islam followers of all religions can coexist in security and safety where their lives, possessions and rights are concerned". It claims that the world will descend into chaos and war without Islam, quoting Muhammad Iqbal.[1][27]
  • Article 7 describes Hamas as "one of the links in the chain of the struggle against the Zionist invaders" and claims continuity with the followers of the religious and nationalist hero Izz ad-Din al-Qassam from the Great Arab Revolt as well as the Palestinian combatants of the First Arab-Israeli War. It ends with Sahih al-Bukhari's hadith Muslim 2922, suggesting that the Day of Judgment would not come until the Muslims fight and kill the Jews.[1][45]
  • Article 8 The Hamas document reiterates the Muslim Brotherhood's slogan of "Allah is its goal, the Prophet is the model, the Qur'an its constitution, jihad its path, and death for the sake of Allah is the loftiest of its wishes."[1][27]
  • Article 9 adapts Muslim Brotherhood's vision to connect the Palestinian crisis with the Islamic solution and advocates "fighting against the false, defeating it and vanquishing it so that justice could prevail".[1]
  • Article 11 Palestine is sacred (waqf) for all Muslims for all time, and it cannot be relinquished by anyone.[1]
  • Article 12 affirms that "Nationalism, from the point of view of the Islamic Resistance Movement, is part of the religious creed".[1]
  • Article 13 There is no negotiated settlement possible. Jihad is the only answer.[1]
  • Article 14 The liberation of Palestine is the personal duty of every Palestinian.[1]
  • Article 15 "The day that enemies usurp part of Muslim land, Jihad becomes the individual duty of every Muslim". It states the history of the Crusades into Muslim lands and says the "Palestinian problem is a religious problem".[1]
  • Article 16 Describes how to go about educating future generations, with an emphasis on religious studies and Islamic history.[1]
  • Article 17 Declares the role of women in Islamic society to be the "maker of men". It condemns Western organizations such as the Freemasons, Rotary Clubs, and intelligence agencies as "saboteurs" for promoting subversive ideas on women.[1]
  • Article 18 Defines the role of women as homemakers and child-rearers, providing education and moral guidance to men.[1]
  • Article 19 Promotes the value of art while promoting Islamic art over "Jahili" art forms.[1]
  • Article 20 Calls for action "by the people as a single body" against "a vicious enemy which acts in a way similar to Nazism, making no differentiation between man and woman, between children and old people".[1]
  • Article 21 Promotes "mutual social responsibility" and urges members "to consider the interests of the masses as their own personal interests".[1]
  • Article 22 Makes sweeping claims about Jewish influence and power.[1][46] It specifically claims that the Jews were responsible for instigating multiple revolutions and wars, including the French Revolution, World War I, and the Russian Revolution. It also claims that Jews control the United Nations, and that they are supported by "the imperialistic forces in the Capitalist West and Communist East".[1]
  • Article 23 Expresses support for all Islamic movements "if they reveal good intentions and dedication to Allah".[1]
  • Article 24 Prohibits "slandering or speaking ill of individuals or groups".[1]
  • Article 25 Discourages Islamic movements from seeking foreign support and expresses support for other Palestinian nationalist movements.[1]
  • Article 26 Allows consultation with other Palestinian movements that are neutral in international affairs.[1]
  • Article 27 Praises the PLO but condemns its secularism.[1]
  • Article 28 Conspiracy charges against Israel and the whole of the Jewish people: "Israel, Judaism and Jews".[1][46] It claims that "Zionist organizations" aim to destroy society through moral corruption and eliminating Islam, and are responsible for drug trafficking and alcoholism.[1]
  • Article 30: Calls on "writers, intellectuals, media people, orators, educaters and teachers, and all the various sectors in the Arab and Islamic world" to pursue jihad.[1]
  • Article 31 Describes Hamas as "a humanistic movement", which "takes care of human rights and is guided by Islamic tolerance when dealing with the followers of other religions". "Under the wing of Islam", it is possible for Islam, Christianity and Judaism "to coexist in peace and quiet with each other" provided that members of other religions do not dispute the sovereignty of Islam in the region.[1]
  • Article 32 Hamas condemns as co-plotters the "imperialistic powers" seeking to corrupt all Arab countries one by one, leaving Palestine as the final bastion of Islam.[46] States that the Zionists' plan is set forth in The Protocols of the Elders of Zion and that they intend to expand their control from the Nile to the Euphrates.[1][47]
  • Article 33 calls upon Muslims worldwide to work for liberation of Palestine.[1]
  • Article 34 represents the Temple Mount in Jerusalem as the axis mundi, the sacred point where divine cosmology and temporal history meet.[48] Along with Article 35 it compares Israel with an imperialist-colonialist movement. The articles reflect and draws upon past examples of Crusader and Mongol invasions, both of which initially were successful but were eventually repelled.[49][50]
  • Article 36 outlines the goals of Hamas.[51]

Statements about Israel

The Preamble to the 1988 Charter stated: ″Israel will exist and will continue to exist until Islam invalidates it, just as it invalidated others before it″.[1] It emphasizes the importance of jihad for the Palestinian question, adding that "initiatives, proposals and international conferences are all a waste of time and vain endeavors."[52] The charter also states that Hamas is humanistic, and tolerant of other religions as long as they "stop disputing the sovereignty of Islam in this region".[53] The Charter adds that "renouncing any part of Palestine means renouncing part of the religion [of Islam]".[1]

Analysis

The original, 1988 version of the charter emphasize four main themes:[54]

  1. Destroying Israel and establishing an Islamic theocracy in Palestine is essential;[54]
  2. Unrestrained jihad is necessary to achieve this;[54]
  3. Negotiated resolutions of Jewish and Palestinian claims to the land are unacceptable;[54]
  4. Historical anti-semitic tropes that reinforce the goals.[54]

The Covenant proclaims that Israel will exist until Islam obliterates it, and jihad against Jews is required until Judgement Day. Compromise over the land is forbidden. The documents promote holy war as divinely ordained, reject political solutions, and call for instilling these views in children.[54]

The updated 2017 charter appeared to moderate Hamas's position by stating that Hamas is anti-Zionist, but retains the goal of eliminating Israel.[54] Its claim that it is no longer antisemitic has been refuted numerous times due to the actions of Hamas as well as the statements of its leadership including Fathi Hamad who has publicly called for the killing of Jews.[55][56][57][58]

Ideology

The 1988 Charter makes draws heavily on quotations from the hadith and Qur'an and builds an argument that Jews deserve God's/Allah's enmity and wrath because they received the Scriptures but violated its sacred texts, rejected the signs of Allah, and slew their own prophets.[59] The introduction of the charter identifies Hamas's struggle as a continuation of "Our [long and dangerous] struggle with the Jews…".[60]

Article Seven of the Charter concludes with a quotation from a hadith:

The Day of Judgment will not come until Muslims fight the Jews, when the Jew will hide behind stones and trees. The stones and trees will say, 'O Muslim, O servant of God, there is a Jew behind me, come and kill him.' Only the Gharkad tree would not do that, because it is one of the trees of the Jews.

— Related by al-Bukhari and Muslim ibn al-Hajjaj.[1]

Jeffrey Goldberg, editor-in-chief of The Atlantic magazine, criticized the founding charter of Hamas by labelling it as a "genocidal" document and compared it to The Protocols of the Elders of Zion.[10] Referring to the charter in an article in The New Yorker magazine, American commentator Philip Gourevitch accused Hamas leadership of having "genocidal" intentions against Jews.[9] According to Bruce Hoffman, the Hamas Charter exhibits "genocidal intentions".[61]

Militant Jihad

The 1988 Charter went further in detailing how Jihad against the Jews was a duty. "The day that enemies usurp part of Moslem land, Jihad becomes the individual duty of every Moslem. In face of the Jews' usurpation of Palestine, it is compulsory that the banner of Jihad be raised. To do this requires the diffusion of Islamic consciousness among the masses, both on the regional, Arab and Islamic levels. It is necessary to instill the spirit of Jihad in the heart of the nation so that they would confront the enemies and join the ranks of the fighters."[1]

Antisemitic canards

The 1988 charter contains references to antisemitic canards, such as the assertion that through shrewd manipulation of imperial countries and secret societies, Jews were behind a wide range of events and disasters going as far back in history as the French Revolution.

With their money, they took control of the world media, news agencies, the press, publishing houses, broadcasting stations, and others. With their money they stirred revolutions in various parts of the world with the purpose of achieving their interests and reaping the fruit therein. They were behind the French Revolution, the Communist revolution and most of the revolutions we heard and hear about, here and there. With their money, they formed secret societies, such as Freemason, Rotary Clubs, the Lions and others in different parts of the world for the purpose of sabotaging societies and achieving Zionist interests. With their money they were able to control imperialistic countries and instigate them to colonize many countries in order to enable them to exploit their resources and spread corruption there.

— Hamas Charter, Article 22

The charter continues by accusing Jews of engineering World War I as a pretext to abolish the Caliphate, create the League of Nations, and influence the British government into drafting the Balfour Declaration.[1] It echoes Nazi propaganda in claiming that Jews profited during World War II.[62] Jeffrey Goldberg, editor-in-chief of The Atlantic magazine, has compared these to those that appear in theThe Protocols of the Elders of Zion.[10]

Equivalence of anti-Zionism and antisemitism

Historians such as Jeffrey Herf have argued that unlike the PLO, which has distinguished their national struggle against Zionism from general antisemitism, Hamas, in their 1988 covenant, purposefully fused these two struggles into one against the Jews and Israel.[62][60]

In contrast, the 2017 covenant denies the connection stating its only direct mention of Jews everywhere:

Hamas affirms that its conflict is with the Zionist project not with the Jews because of their religion. Hamas does not wage a struggle against the Jews because they are Jewish but wages a struggle against the Zionists who occupy Palestine. Yet, it is the Zionists who constantly identify Judaism and the Jews with their own colonial project and illegal entity.
Hamas rejects the persecution of any human being or the undermining of his or her rights on nationalist, religious or sectarian grounds. Hamas is of the view that the Jewish problem, antisemitism and the persecution of the Jews are phenomena fundamentally linked to European history and not to the history of the Arabs and the Muslims or to their heritage.[21]

See also

References

  1. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 "Hamas Covenant 1988: The Covenant of the Islamic Resistance Movement". The Avalon Project: Documents in Law, History and Diplomacy. Yale Law School. 18 August 1988. Retrieved 15 February 2009.
  2. 1 2 Tamara Qiblawi; Angela Dewan; Larry Register (1 May 2017). "Hamas says it accepts '67 borders, but doesn't recognize Israel". CNN. Retrieved 3 May 2017.
  3. 1 2 3 Brenner, Bjorn (30 November 2021). Gaza Under Hamas: From Islamic Democracy to Islamist Governance. Bloomsbury Academic. pp. 205–207. ISBN 978-0-7556-3439-2. Still leaving some room for question, Hamas had stopped short of formally renouncing the old charter. Being asked about why, several Hamas leaders nevertheless responded affirmatively that 'The original charter has now become a historical document and part of an earlier stage in our evolution. It will remain in the movement's bookshelf as a record of our past.'
  4. ↑ Myre, Greg (27 February 2006). "Israeli Official Says Hamas Has Made Abbas Irrelevant". The New York Times. ISSN 0362-4331. Retrieved 26 December 2023.
  5. ↑ "The Covenant of the HAMAS - Main Points". Intelligence Resource Project. Federation of American Scientists. Retrieved 2 May 2017.
  6. ↑ The Palestinian Hamas By Shaul Mishal, Avraham Sela. Google Books. Retrieved 9 February 2009.
  7. ↑ May, Tiffany (8 October 2023). "A Quick Look at Hamas". The New York Times. Archived from the original on 14 October 2023. Retrieved 9 October 2023.
  8. ↑ "Have war crimes been committed in Israel and Gaza and what laws govern the conflict?". CNN. 16 November 2023. Retrieved 18 November 2023.
  9. 1 2 Gourevitch, Philip (2 August 2014). "An Honest Voice in Israel". The New Yorker. Retrieved 9 May 2020.
  10. 1 2 3 Goldberg, Jeffrey (4 August 2014). "What Would Hamas Do If It Could Do Whatever It Wanted?". The Atlantic. Retrieved 9 May 2020.
  11. ↑ Seurat, Leila (2019). The Foreign Policy of Hamas. Bloomsbury Publishing. p. 17. ISBN 9781838607449.
  12. ↑ Qossay Hamed (2023). Hamas in Power: The Question of Transformation. IGI Global. p. 161.
  13. ↑ Timea Spitka (2023). National and International Civilian Protection Strategies in the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict. Springer International Publishing. p. 88-89.
  14. ↑ "Khaled Meshaal: Struggle is against Israel, not Jews". Al-Jazeera. 6 May 2017. Retrieved 19 November 2023.
  15. ↑ Patrick Wintour (2 May 2017). "Hamas presents new charter accepting a Palestine based on 1967 borders". The Guardian. Retrieved 3 May 2017.
  16. 1 2 Hroub, Khaled. "A "New Hamas" through Its New Documents". Journal of Palestine Studies. 35 (1 (Summer 2006)): 6. Archived from the original on 18 September 2008. Since Hamas won the Palestinian legislative elections in January 2006, its political positions as presented in the Western media hark back to its 1988 charter, with almost no reference to its considerable evolution under the impact of political developments. …From its establishment, Hamas had steadfastly refused to run in any national elections, either for PC or for the presidency of the Palestinian Authority (PA). As both these structures grew out of the Oslo accords, which Hamas opposed and considered illegitimate, it had never recognized the legitimacy of either. Thus, whereas the movement has long participated in municipal and other local elections, making its growing strength quantifiable, the question of whether to enter national electoral politics was a difficult decision, fraught with the contradictions that could be expected in a movement whose leadership is geographically divided between the "inside" and the "outside," whose political and military wings have a degree of autonomy, and which adopts a democratic decision-making process with a diversity of views. … Despite the oft-repeated rhetoric of Hamas's leaders that their movement will remain faithful to its known principles, the three documents reveal beyond question that the demands of the national arena have driven Hamas in dramatically new directions…Hamas continues to be characterized with reference to its 1988 charter, drawn up less than a year after the movement was established in direct response to the outbreak of the first intifada and when its raison d'être was armed resistance to the occupation. … Given Hamas's traditional projection of itself as an uncompromising resistance movement, and the popularity it has derived from its resistance to the Israeli occupation, its choice of "change and reform" as the theme of its campaign and name of its electoral list…draws attention to the failure and corruption associated with its rival Fatah. … Without doubt, there are many who remain highly skeptical of Hamas's new face, suspecting a ploy to gain power by concealing true agendas. … This leaves open the question of whether Hamas in power will be able to function practically within the parameters of the peace process as originally agreed to by Israel and the PLO at Oslo, which Hamas had vehemently opposed.
  17. ↑ "Haniyeh: Hamas willing to accept Palestinian state with 1967 borders". Haaretz. (09-11-08) Retrieved 27 May 2011.
  18. ↑ "BBC Today Programme interview with Sir Jeremy Greenstock, January 12, 2009". BBC News. 12 January 2009. Retrieved 27 May 2010.
  19. 1 2 Mazin Qumsiyeh on the History and Practice Of Nonviolent Palestinian Resistance Washington Report on Middle East Affairs, May–June 2010, pp. 40-42.
  20. 1 2 Nidal al-Mughrabi; Tom Finn (2 May 2017). "Hamas softens stance on Israel, drops Muslim Brotherhood link". Reuters. Retrieved 3 May 2017.
  21. 1 2 3 4 Khaled Hroub (2017). "A Newer Hamas? The Revised Charter". Journal of Palestine Studies. 46 (4): 100–111. doi:10.1525/jps.2017.46.4.100.
  22. ↑ "Hamas accepts Palestinian state with 1967 borders". Al-Jazeera. 2 May 2017. Retrieved 3 May 2017.
  23. ↑ "Israel dismisses purportedly 'friendlier' Hamas principles". The Times of Israel. 1 May 2017. Retrieved 3 May 2017.
  24. 1 2 Goldberg, Jeffrey (4 August 2014). "What Would Hamas Do If It Could Do Whatever It Wanted?". The Atlantic. Retrieved 3 May 2017.
  25. ↑ "Middle East - 1987: First Intifada". BBC News. 6 May 2008.
  26. 1 2 The PLO Charters of 1964 and 1968 and the Hamas Charter of 1988 By Philipp Holtmann
  27. 1 2 3 4 5 6 The Palestinian Hamas: vision, violence, and coexistence Shaul Mishal, Avraham Sela.
  28. 1 2 Hamas Charter: Vision, Fact and Fiction Palestine Chronicle (23 January 2011)Retrieved 27 May 2011
  29. ↑ Rabasa, Angel; Chalk, Peter; Cragin, Kim; Daly, Sara A.; Gregg, Heather S.; Karasik, Theodore W.; O’Brien, Kevin A.; Rosenau, William (2006), "Hezbollah and Hamas", Beyond al-Qaeda: Part 2, The Outer Rings of the Terrorist Universe, RAND Corporation, pp. 5–24, ISBN 978-0-8330-3932-3, JSTOR 10.7249/mg430af.9, retrieved 26 October 2023 "So while al-Qaeda and Hamas have similar ideological roots, Hamas's interpretation of its role in the Islamic community is narrower and focused fundamentally on the Palestinian question. This narrow focus is an important element in Hamas's ideology."
  30. ↑ Janssen 2009, pp. 35–60 "The text of the Charter is written in utterly religious and ideological language, starting off with a quotation from the Quran and from the founder of Egypt's Muslim Brotherhood, Hasan al-Banna." "In article 11 of the Charter we can find Hamas's argument that the right of the Palestinians to their homeland is a divine decree..."
  31. ↑ Maher Mughrabi (2 May 2017). "The new Hamas charter explained". The Sydney Morning Herald.
  32. ↑ Nidal al-Mughrabi; Tom Finn (May 2017). "Hamas softens stance on Israel, drops Muslim Brotherhood link". Reuters.
  33. ↑ "Khaled Meshaal: Struggle is against Israel, not Jews".
  34. ↑ "فلسطين.. ووهم أسلمة الصراع! =1 December 2023". Al Jazeera.
  35. ↑ Janssen 2009, p. 43.
  36. ↑ Janssen 2009, p. 45.
  37. ↑ Janssen 2009, p. 47.
  38. ↑ Modongal 2023, p. 102.
  39. ↑ Modongal 2023, p. 100.
  40. 1 2 Declan Walsh (3 May 2017). "Hamas Leader Plays Final Hand: Trying to Lift Group's Pariah Status". The New York Times. Mr. Meshal's parting shot is a new political document, released at a luxury hotel in Doha on Monday, that he is pitching as an attempt to pull Hamas from its isolation by presenting a friendlier face to the world. A big part of that is its watering down of the anti-Semitic language of the original Hamas charter in 1988, with its talk of war between Arabs and Jews. "We are making it clear that ours is a liberation project — not about religion or the Jews," Mr. Meshal said in an interview on Tuesday in Doha, his latest home. His offer found few takers. Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu of Israel immediately rejected the overture as an exercise in insincerity. "Hamas is attempting to fool the world, but it will not succeed," his spokesman said Monday. Hamas is loathed in Israel for bombings and rockets launched indiscriminately into civilian areas, and critics say the group spends too much money preparing for war and not enough on Gaza's besieged residents. The document was also greeted with silence by Western countries, a reflection of the fact that Hamas failed to bend on any of the factors that have caused it to be branded a terrorist organization — and has not even formally repudiated the 1988 charter, with its talk of "obliterating" Israel and creating an Islamic State on "every inch" of historic Palestine. The failure to achieve even that cosmetic gesture offers a telling indication of how Hamas is hamstrung by its own deep-seated ambivalence toward reform, said Nathan Thrall, an analyst with the International Crisis Group who is based in Jerusalem, who noted that the original charter has long been a source of quiet embarrassment among more reform-minded Hamas leaders.
  41. ↑ Hamas accepts Palestinian state with 1967 borders, Al Jazeera, 2 May 2017
  42. ↑ "Netanyahu tosses Hamas policy paper on Israel into waste bin". The Jerusalem Post. 8 May 2017. Retrieved 25 November 2023.
  43. ↑ Green, Mark. "Hamas: Words and Deeds…". Wilson Center. Retrieved 28 November 2023.
  44. ↑ HAMAS Between Violence and Pragmatism By Marc A. Walther
  45. 1 2 Barsky, Yehudit (February 2006). HAMAS- The Islamic Resistance Movement of Palestine (PDF) (Report). American Jewish Congress. pp. 4, 91, 93. Archived from the original (PDF) on 22 June 2010. Retrieved 26 May 2011.
  46. 1 2 3 Reform Judaism Online The 'Protocols' of Hamas Archived 22 December 2010 at the Wayback Machine Steven Leonard Jacobs - Winter 2007
  47. ↑ Israel Ministry of Foreign Affairs Analysis of the Hamas Charter 8 January 2006
  48. ↑ Fiala, Andrew (5 November 2004). Practical Pacifism. Algora Publishing. ISBN 9780875862910 – via Google Books.
  49. ↑ Insight Turkey: Quarterly Research and Information Journal with Focus on Turkey, Volume 11. Center for Intercultural Dialogue and Cooperation. p. 118.
  50. ↑ Sharvit, Keren; Halperin, Eran (22 January 2016). A Social Psychology Perspective on The Israeli-Palestinian Conflict: Celebrating the Legacy of Daniel Bar-Tal, Vol II. Springer. ISBN 9783319248417 – via Google Books.
  51. ↑ Rissi, Bruno Basílio; Lima, Débora Hanna F. de; Campbell, Mila Pereira; Fagundes, Raquel Fanny Bennet; Fernandes, Wladimir Santana (1 August 2015). Long-lasting peaces: Overcoming the war-peace hiatus for a sustainable future. Art Letras. ISBN 9788561326678 – via Google Books.
  52. ↑ "Hamas Covenant 1988". Yale Law School Avalon Project. Retrieved 7 September 2014. [part of Article 13 of the Covenant] There is no solution for the Palestinian question except through Jihad. Initiatives, proposals and international conferences are all a waste of time and vain endeavors.
  53. ↑ Article 31 of the Hamas Charter (1988) Yale Law School: The Avalon Project
  54. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 Bruce Hoffman (10 October 2023). "Understanding Hamas's Genocidal Ideology". The Atlantic. Archived from the original on 11 October 2023. Retrieved 20 October 2023.
  55. ↑ "What Hamas is Hiding | AJC". www.ajc.org. 7 October 2023. Retrieved 3 November 2023. On Saturday the Iran-backed terror group Hamas launched from air, sea, and land an unprecedented attack on Israelis, killing hundreds of civilians, wounding thousands more, and kidnapping others in the early morning hours of Shabbat and Simchat Torah. … Hamas terrorists fired rockets at Tel Aviv as well, killing Israelis in and around the city. … Overall, more than 300 people have been killed, and at least 1,590 have been wounded by Hamas terrorists. …But the four faces of Hamas, or the Islamic Resistance Movement, mask a terrorist organization that seeks to eradicate all Jews.
  56. ↑ "Hamas: Words and Deeds… | Wilson Center". www.wilsoncenter.org. Retrieved 3 November 2023. By 2017, it appeared that Hamas wanted to reshape, or at least clarify, its public image in some quarters. It took steps to soften some of the most extreme language of its 1988 charter by issuing new statements and declarations that, while not repealing or superseding the original document, supplemented it with more ambiguous terms and rhetoric. For example, the original charter called it "compulsory that the banner of Jihad be raised." In 2017, Hamas portrayed itself as a resistance movement aiming to "liberate Palestine and confront the Zionist project." In 1988, Hamas explicitly acknowledged its links to the Muslim Brotherhood, but the 2017 Hamas Charter is devoid of references to the Brotherhood. In 1988, Hamas declared that the "Day of Judgment will not come about until Muslims fight Jews and kill them." By 2017, Hamas claimed its mission wasn't "a struggle against Jews or Judaism," but a "struggle…against the Zionist occupation…."
  57. ↑ Litvak, Meir (2005). "The Anti-Semitism of Hamas". Palestine-Israel Journal. 12 (2). Retrieved 3 November 2023. In many of its publications Hamas employs harsh derogatory descriptions of the Jews, often taken from the Koran, such as "blood suckers," "brothers of apes," "killers of the prophets," "human pigs," and warmongers "the descendants of treachery and deceit," "butchers." They are a "cancer expanding" in the land of Palestine, "threatening the entire Islamic world." They are "spreading corruption" in the land of Islam. "Deceit and usury are stamped in their nature," and they are all "thieves, monopolists, and usurers." Almost every issue of the Hamas organ, Filastin al-Muslima contains articles enumerating the evil deeds and character of the Jews based on an analysis and exegetes of specific suras (chapters) from the Koran. … Citing the tradition (hadith) of the Saltbush, the Hamas Charter states that the final hour will not come until the day when the Muslims will fight the Jews and kill them. Lest the meaning of this passage remain unclear, Hamas author Mukhlis Barzaq pointed to the fact that the Prophet had killed more Jews than any other infidels during his wars. The Prophet revealed in a "firmly established Tradition" how the Jews should be handled if they betray the Muslims, and he ordered his followers to carry it out without any feelings of sorrow for this "detested group". He made it clear that the fate of the Jews should be "complete killing, total extermination and eradicating perdition (al-qatl al-tam wal-ibada al-kamila wal-fana' al-mahiq)." Perhaps equally significant, considering its intended readership, is the editorial in al-Fatih, Hamas' children's publication, appealing to the children of Iraq to pray to God and ask him "O God exterminate the Jews the tyrannical the usurpers" (Allahuma, ahlik al-yahud al-zalimin al-mughtasibin).
  58. ↑ "Hamas Official Condemned After Calling on Palestinians to Kill Jews". Voice of America. 15 July 2019. Retrieved 3 November 2023. A senior member of Gaza's Islamist rulers Hamas has encouraged Palestinians across the globe to kill Jews, drawing outrage from both Israeli and Palestinian officials as well as a U.N. envoy. … "If this siege is not undone, we will explode in the face of our enemies, with God's permission. The explosion is not only going to be in Gaza but also in the West Bank and abroad, God willing," Hamad said. "But our brothers outside are preparing, trying to prepare, warming up." He continued: "Seven million Palestinians outside, enough warming up, you have Jews with you in every place. You should attack every Jew possible in all the world and kill them."
  59. ↑ The Anti-Semitism of Hamas by Meir Litvak in Islamophobia and anti-Semitism pg 87
  60. 1 2 Janssen 2009, p. 38 "In these documents, the conflict with Israel is entirely explained in religious terms: ‘Our struggle with the Jews is long and dangerous...’ As a result, the authors of the texts have used the terms ‘Zionists’ and ‘Jews’ and their numerous derivatives repeatedly and interchangeably."
  61. ↑ Hoffman, Bruce (10 October 2023). "Understanding Hamas's Genocidal Ideology". The Atlantic. Retrieved 17 October 2023. Released on August 18, 1988, the original covenant spells out clearly Hamas's genocidal intentions.
  62. 1 2 Herf, Jeffrey (1 August 2014). "Why They Fight: Hamas' Too-Little-Known Fascist Charter". The American Interest. Retrieved 3 May 2017.
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