| Hawu | |
|---|---|
| Sabu | |
| Pronunciation | [ˈhavu] |
| Native to | Indonesia |
| Region | Lesser Sunda Islands |
Native speakers | (100,000 cited 1997)[1] |
| Dialects |
|
| Language codes | |
| ISO 639-3 | hvn |
| Glottolog | sabu1255 |
| ELP | Hawu |
 | |
The Hawu language (Hawu: Lii Hawu) is the language of the Savu people of Savu Island in Indonesia and of Raijua Island off the western tip of Savu. Hawu has been referred to by a variety of names such as Havu, Savu, Sabu, Sawu, and is known to outsiders as Savu or Sabu (thus Havunese, Savunese, Sawunese).[2][3] Hawu belongs to the Malayo-Polynesian branch of the Austronesian language family, and is most closely related to Dhao (spoken on Rote) and the languages of Sumba.[4] Dhao was once considered a dialect of Hawu, but the two languages are not mutually intelligible.[5]
Dialects
The Seba (Mèb'a in Hawu) dialect is dominant, covering most of Savu Island and the main city of Seba. Timu (Dimu in Hawu) is spoken in the east, Mesara (Mehara in Hawu) in the west, and Liae on the southern tip of the island. Raijua is spoken on the island of the same name (Rai Jua 'Jua Island'), just off-shore to the west of Savu.[2]
Linguistic Structure
The following description is based on Walker (1982) and Grimes (2006).
Phonology
Hawu *s, attested during the Portuguese colonial era, has debuccalized to /h/, a change that has not happened in Dhao. The Hawu consonant inventory is smaller than that of Dhao:
| Labial | Apical | Palatal | Velar | Glottal | |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Nasal | m | n | ɲ | ŋ | |
| Voiceless stop | p | t | k | ʔ | |
| Voiced stop | b | d | dʒ | ɡ | |
| Implosive | ɓ | ɗ | ʄ | ɠ | |
| Fricative | v~β | (s) | h | ||
| Liquid | l, r | ||||
| Approximant | (w) | (j) |
Consonants of the /n/ column are apical, those of the /ɲ/ column laminal. In common orthography, the implosives are written ⟨b', d', j', g'⟩. ⟨w⟩ is pronounced [v], [β], or [w]. A wye sound /j/ (written ⟨y⟩) is found at the beginning of some words in Seba dialect where Timu and Raijua dialects have /ʄ/.
Vowels are /i u e ə o a/, with /ə/ written ⟨è⟩ in common orthography. Phonetic long vowels and diphthongs are vowel sequences. The penultimate syllable/vowel is stressed. (Every vowel constitutes a syllable.) A stressed schwa lengthens the following consonant:
/ŋa/ [ŋa] 'with', /niŋaa/ [niˈŋaː] 'what?', /ŋaʔa/ [ˈŋaʔa] 'eat, food', /ŋali/ [ˈŋali] 'senile', /ŋəlu/ [ˈŋəlːu] 'wind'.
Syllables are consonant-vowel (CV) or vowel-only (V).
Implosives
Hawu shares implosive (or perhaps pre-glottalized) consonants with several other languages of the Lesser Sundas, including Bimanese, Kambera, Komodo, Li'o, Ngad'a, and Riung. While these languages are somewhat geographically close, they are not necessarily closely related. Many belong to different high-order Austronesian subgroups. As a result, implosives seem to be an areal feature—perhaps motivated by language contact and the reduction of homorganic nasal clusters in some languages—as opposed to an innovated feature.[6]
Hawu, however, is the only language in the region with four implosives in its phonological inventory. All four implosives can occur both word-initially and intervocalically. [2]
Historical vowel metathesis
The phonological history of Hawu is characterized by an unusual, but fully regular vowel metathesis, which affects the Proto-Malayo-Polynesian (PMP) vowel sequences *uCa/*uCə and *iCa/*iCə. The former changes into əCu, the latter into əCi, as illustrated in the following table.[7]
| PMP | Hawu | Gloss |
|---|---|---|
| *buta | ɓədu | blind |
| *Rumaq | əmu | house |
| *um-utaq | mədu | to vomit |
| *qulun-an | nəlu | headrest |
| *ŋuda | ŋəru | young |
| *bulan | wəru | moon, month |
| *pusəj | əhu | navel |
| *kudən | əru | cooking pot |
| *lima | ləmi | five |
| *pija | əri | how many |
| *ma-qitəm | mədi | five |
Grammar
Hawu is an ergative–absolutive language with ergative preposition ri (Seba dialect), ro (Dimu), or la (Raijua).[8] Clauses are usually verb-initial. However, the presence of the ergative preposition allows for a freer word order. Among monovalent verbs, S may occur before or after the verb. According to speakers, there is no difference in meaning between the two following constructions.
jaa
1SG
bəʔi
sleep
'I sleep.'
bəʔi
sleep
jaa
1SG
'I sleep.'
In the absence of the ergative preposition, bivalent constructions have strict AVO word order.
Haʔe
Hae
ta
NPST
ngaʔa
eat
terae
sorghum
'Hae eats sorghum.'
When the ergative preposition is present, word order becomes quite free. In addition, with the presence of the ergative preposition, many transitive verbs have a special form to indicate singular number of the object by replacing the final vowel of the verb with "-e" when the verb ends in /i/, /o/, or /a/ (e.g. ɓudʒu 'touch them', ɓudʒe 'touch it') or "-o" when the verb ends in /u/ (bəlu, bəlo 'to forget'). Verbs that end in /e/ have no alternation. The following examples (from the Seba dialect) present a few of the word order options available, and also show the alternation of the verb nga'a 'to eat' to nga'e when ri is present.[9]
Terae
sorghum
ngaʔe
eat
ri
ERG
Haʔe
Hae
'Hae eats sorghum.'
Ngaʔe
eat
ri
ERG
Haʔe
Hae
terae
sorghum
nane
DEM
'Hae eats sorghum.'
Within noun phrases, modifiers usually follow the noun, though there are some possibly lexicalized exceptions, such as ae dəu 'many people' (compare Dhao ɖʐəu ae 'people many').
Apart from this, and unlike in Dhao, all pronominal reference uses independent pronouns. These are:
| I | Seba: jaa Dimu: ʄaa Raijua: ʄaa, dʒoo |
we (incl) | dii |
|---|---|---|---|
| we (excl) | ʄii | ||
| you (sg.) | əu, au, ou | you (pl.) | muu |
| s/he | noo | they | roo Raijua: naa |
The demonstratives are complex and poorly understood. They may be contrasted by number (see Walker 1982), but it is not confirmed by Grimes.
| just this | ɗii |
|---|---|
| this | nee |
| the | əne, ne |
| that | nəi |
| yon | nii |
These can be made locative (here, now, there, then, yonder) by preceding the n forms with na; the neutral form na əne optionally contracting to nəne. 'Like this/that' is marked with mi or mi na, with the n becoming h and the neutral əne form appearing irregularly as mi (na) həre.
Sample clauses (Grimes 2006). (Compare the Dhao equivalents at Dhao language#Grammar.)
ta
NPST?
nəru
walk
ke
?
Simo
(name)
oro
along
ŋidi
edge
dahi.
sea
'Simo was walking along the edge of the sea.'
ta
NPST?
nəru
walk
ke
(?)
roo
they
teruu
cont.
la
to
Həɓa.
Seba
'They kept walking to Seba.'
ta
NPST?
la
go
əte
cut off
ke
(?)
ri
ERG
roo
they
ne
the
kətu
head
noo.
he/his
'They went and cut off his head.'
tapulara
but
pe-made
CAUS-die
noo
he
ri
ERG
roo.
they
'But they killed him.'
ki
if/when
made
die
ama
father
noo,
he/his
'When his father dies,'
ɗai
very
təra
much
noo
he
ne
the
rui.
strong
'He was incredibly strong.'
Language resources
The Alan T. Walker Collection[10] contains a number of resources produced through Hawu language documentation, including audio recordings, handwritten field notes, and narrative texts. An accompanying Finding Aid and Inventory[3] was created for the collection in order to more easily navigate its contents in the PARADISEC archive.
The "Results of Linguistic Fieldwork and Documentation Training Program in East Nusa Tenggara" collection, which is also archived with PARADISEC, contains audio recordings of Hawu conversations, narratives, elicitation, genealogies, and wordlists. Several are also accompanied by video files.[11]
Notes
- ↑ Hawu at Ethnologue (25th ed., 2022)
- 1 2 3 Walker, Alan T. (1982). A grammar of Sawu. Jakarta: Badan Penyelenggara Seri NUSA, Universitas Atma Jaya.
- 1 2 Vaughan, Anthony R. (2020). "Finding Hawu: Legacy data, finding aids and the Alan T. Walker Digital Language Collection". Language Documentation & Conservation. 14: 357–422. hdl:10125/24925. ISSN 1934-5275.
- ↑ Blust, Robert. "Is there a Bima-Sumba subgroup?". Oceanic Linguistics: 45–113.
- ↑ Grimes, Charles E. (2006). Hawu and Dhao in eastern Indonesia: revisiting their relationship (PDF). 10th International Conference on Austronesian Linguistics, Puerto Princessa, Philippines, 17–20 January 2006.
- ↑ Blust, Robert (1980). "More on the origins of glottalic consonants". Lingua. 52 (1–2): 125–156. doi:10.1016/0024-3841(80)90021-2.
- ↑ Blust, Robert (2012). "Hawu Vowel Metathesis". Oceanic Linguistics. 51 (1): 207–233. doi:10.1353/ol.2012.0009. JSTOR 23321852. S2CID 145053930.
- ↑ Grimes, Charles E. (2006). Hawu and Dhao in eastern Indonesia: revisiting their relationship (PDF). 10th International Conference on Austronesian Linguistics, Puerto Princessa, Philippines, 17–20 January 2006.
- ↑ Walker, Alan (1982). A Grammar of Sawu. NUSA.
- ↑ "Nabu - Alan Walker's Sabu materials". catalog.paradisec.org.au. Retrieved 2021-06-09.
- ↑ Yanti. "Results of Linguistic Fieldwork and Documentation Training Program in East Nusa Tenggara". PARADISEC Catalog. Retrieved 21 February 2022.
References
- Capell, Arthur (1975). "The "West Papuan Phylum": General, and Timor and Areas Further West". In Wurm, S.A. (ed.). New Guinea Area Languages and Language Study. Vol. 1: Papuan Languages and the New Guinea Linguistic Scene. Canberra: Pacific Linguisticss, The Australian National University. pp. 667–716. doi:10.15144/PL-C38. hdl:1885/145150. ISBN 9780858831322.
{{cite book}}:|journal=ignored (help) - Walker, Alan T. (1982). A Grammar of Sawu. NUSA Linguistic Studies in Indonesian and Languages of Indonesia, Volume 13. Jakarta: Badan Penyelenggara Seri Nusa, Universitas Atma Jaya. hdl:1885/111434. ISSN 0126-2874.